< Earlier Kibitzing · PAGE 47 OF 47 ·
|Nov-27-13|| ||Karpova: Interview with John Donaldson (by Johannes Fischer) in 'Karl' 03/2013. From page 52:|
Q: <Hat sich Ihre Einstellung zu Rubinstein im Laufe der Arbeit an ihren Büchern geändert? Mussten Sie bestimmte Vorstellungen aufgeben und sind Sie auf Dinge gestoßen, die Sie besonders überrascht haben?> (Did your stance on Rubinstein change in the course of your work on the books? Did you have to abandon certain ideas and did you discover things that especially astonished you?)
A: <Eine Sache, die Dr. Minev und mich überrascht hat, als wir mit den Recherchen über Rubinstein begannen, war die große Zahl kaum verbürgter Geschichten über ihn. Die meisten Anekdoten über ihn erwiesen sich bestenfalls als Halbwahrheiten, die im Laufe der Zeit so sehr ausgeschmückt worden waren, dass sie mit dem wirklichen Geschehen nur noch wenig Ähnlichkeit hatten.> (One thing that surprised Dr. Minev and me when we started with our research, was the huge amount of barely authenticated stories about him. Most of the anecdotes about him turned out to be half-truths at best, and in the course of time they had been embellished so much that they hardly resembled the actual events.)
On a sidenote, our own Anita Sikora - User: anyi - is mentioned by Donaldson (pp. 52-53).
|Dec-30-13|| ||Karpova: Ostende (1906)
1.e4 e5 2.Nf3 Nc6 3.Nc3 Nf6 4.Bb5 a6 in I Abonyi vs G Lovas, 1915 there is the following annotation <Dieser Zug steht auch bei modernen Meistern in Gunst. So z. B. wurde er von Cohn gegen Rubinstein (Ostende 1906) angewendet [...].> on page 56 of the March-April 1915 'Wiener Schachzeitung'.
A game from Ostende (1906) is not given in Donaldson & Minev, Volume I, 2nd edition, and is missing from the games with known result but unobtainable game score (p. 73).
The date was probably not wrong as the two games against E. and W. Cohn from Ostende (1907) were Queen's Gambits Rubinstein vs W Cohn, 1907 and E Cohn vs Rubinstein, 1907.
But according to Rod Edwards edochess, Wilhelm Cohn was in Ostende (1906) in the First Stage: http://www.edochess.ca/tournaments/... so these may have been the opening moves of a game played between them.
Perhaps, date and opponent are wrong, as Rubinstein played 4...a6 in Znosko-Borovsky vs Rubinstein, 1907 from Ostende (1907).
|Jan-14-14|| ||Karpova: Article by Jacques Mieses, Leipzig, on the financial side of the World Chess Championship, called <Amateur und Berufsspieler im Schach; Der Schachwettkampf um die Meisterschaft der Welt in finanzieller Beleuchtung>. According to Georg Marco, Mieses provided him with the article on February 18.|
The parts about Rubinstein:
<Rubinsteins Herausforderung jedoch ist von Lasker glatt angenommen worden, und auch über alle näheren Bedingungen haben sich beide Kämpen bereits geeinigt. Dem Zustandekommen des Matches steht also nichts mehr im Wege, vorausgesetzt, daß die finanzielle Seite des Unternehmens gesichert ist. Das scheint nun zwar glücklicherweise hier der Fall zu sein, aber es waren doch dabei gewisse Schwierigkeiten zu überwinden, auf die wir noch zu sprechen kommen werden.>
<Es ist daher nur selbstverständlich, wenn der Weltmeister Lasker das Zustandekommen des Wettkampfes mit Rubinstein an pekuniäre Bedingungen knüpft, die der außergewöhnlichen Bedeutung dieses Ereignisses einigermaßen entsprechen. Er verlangt durchschnittlich etwa 1400 Mk. für jede Partie, und es sollen im ganzen 20 Partien gespielt werden. Wenn man bedenkt, daß ein solcher Weltmeisterschaftskampf etwa einmal in 5 Jahren vorkommt, wenn man ferner berücksichtigt, daß er mit allen nötigen Vorbereitungen mindestens 3 bis 4 Monate in Anspruch nimmt, und daß auch der unterliegende Spieler eine erhebliche finanzielle Entschädigung aus dem Matchfonds erhält, so kann man die Laskerschen Forderungen gewiß nicht als übertrieben bezeichnen.>
<Nun, zum Glück für die weitere Förderung ertsklassiger Schachleistungen hat sich der Enthusiasmus der internationalen Schachkreise dadurch nicht beirren lassen. Schon jetzt ist die Mehrzahl der zu spielenden 20 Partien an einige der größten deutschen und russischen Schachklubs vergeben, und daß auch noch die wenigen übrigen Partien untergebracht werden, erscheint kaum mehr zweifelhaft. Im Hochsommer oder Herbst dieses Jahres wird daher wohl der Kampf beginnen.>
Source: Pages 323-326 of the October-November 1913 'Wiener Schachzeitung'
|Jan-14-14|| ||Karpova: In short, this article by Mieses from February 1913 demonstrates again how far the arrangement of the World Championship match between Dr. Lasker and Rubinstein already was. |
<1> In the first paragraph, Mieses says that Dr. Lasker accpeted Rubinstein's challenge and that they agreed upon the match conditions. Now, the financial backing had to be secured and, fortunately, this seems to be the case. But first, a few difficulties had to be overcome.
<2> The second paragraph details Dr. Lasker's demand of 1400 Mark per game on average, with 20 games to be played overall. As a title match takes place only about once per 5 years, takes 3 to 4 months of preparation, and the loser also receives a considerable financial compensation from the match funds, Dr. Lasker's demand is not too high.
The difficulty they had to overcome is basically the outcry ater the financial demands had become publicly known. This was apparently considered too much for a chess event.
<3> The third paragraph explains that the International Chess Circles were not taken aback. Already now, most of the 20 games have been distributed to some of the biggest Chess Clubs in Germany and Russia. That the few remaining games will be housed, appears pretty much indubitably. The match will possibly take place in midummer or autumn of 1913.
It turned out that the match was delayed for one year and then, World War I broke out.
|Feb-03-14|| ||Karpova: In C.N. 8521, Timothy J. Bogan (Chicago, IL, USA) submitted a passage from page 34 of O’Kelly de Galway's '34 mal Schachlogik' on Rubinstein's later years. |
Edward Winter's summary: <During the Second World War and until Rubinstein’s wife died, O’Kelly played several dozen games against Rubinstein, some of which featured the ‘Symmetrical Defence’ to the Queen’s Gambit, an opening which O’Kelly then analysed and played himself. As a widower, Rubinstein spent his final years in an old people’s home, no longer using a chess set but regularly analysing without a board. He remained almost silent, as if wishing to prepare himself for death.>
I don't think that the last sentence entirely captures what O'Kelly said, so a different way of putting it is: <He had acquired an almost complete muteness, as if he wanted to prepare for death silently.>
The opening in question is 1.d4 d5 2.c4 c5
|Feb-07-14|| ||Karpova: Krejcik mentions a consultation game <Marco / Faehndrich vs Rubinstein / Salwe, Vienna 1908>. This game already showed that after 1.e4 e5 2.Nf3 Nc6 3.Bb5 a6 4.Ba4 Nf6 a quick d4-d5 as in Maroczy vs P F Johner, 1907 is disadvantageous to White.|
Source: Page 212 of the July-August 1911 'Wiener Schachzeitung'
|Feb-11-14|| ||Karpova: P. P. Saburov on the current state of the Chess Mastership in Russia (end of 1911):|
Four Grandmasters (<Großmeister>) are there in Russia at the moment:
1. A. K. Rubinstein (Warsaw; 1st at Karlsbad 1907, 1st-2nd at St. Petersburg 1909, 1st-2nd at Ostende 1907).
2. S. Winawer (Warsaw; 1st at Nuremberg 1883, 1st-2nd at vienna 1882)
3. O. S. Bernstein (Moscow; 1st-2nd at Ostende 1907)
4. D. Janowski (Paris or Piotrków Trybunalski respectively; 1st st Monte-Carlo 1902, 1st at Hanover 1902, 1st-2nd at Barmen 1905).
Nine further prize winners in International tournaments:
5. A. Niemzowitsch
6. H. Salwe
7. Alexander A. Alekhine
8. F. J. Duz-Chotimirsky
9. E. A. Znosko-Borovsky
10. H. Levenfish
11. J. Taubenhaus
12. G. Rotlewi
13. S. Alapin
14. A. Levin
15. A. J. Rabinovich
16. S. M. Levitsky
17. M. Lowcki
18. D. Przepiorka
19. S. N. von Freymann
Also proven Master strength: 20th P. A. Evtifeev, 21st V. J. Nenarokov, 22nd A. F. Goncharov, 23rd S. J. Pollner, 24th S. F. Lebedev, 25th V. N. Sournin.
As Masters are also counting: 26th A. Poplawski, 27th A. Flamberg, 28th B. Blumenfeld, 29th M. Elyashov, 30th A. V. Solowtzow.
Source: Pages 353-355 of the November-December 1911 'Wiener Schachzeitung'
|Feb-11-14|| ||offramp: If I'd have spent forty years being buzzed around by that pesky Musca domestica I think I'd have been hoping for death to arrive as well.|
|Feb-11-14|| ||RedShield: Don't tempt me.|
|Feb-22-14|| ||offramp: Stefan Zweig, novelist, died today in 1942. I mean 22nd February.|
|Feb-22-14|| ||bien pensant: By his own hands, if I may add.|
|Feb-24-14|| ||thomastonk: The "Neue Welt" of January 10, 1930 has on page 10 an interview with Rubinstein. See http://sammlungen.ub.uni-frankfurt.....|
The "Neue Welt" (see http://sammlungen.ub.uni-frankfurt....) is the successor of the "Wiener Morgenzeitung" (see http://sammlungen.ub.uni-frankfurt....), which - according to Ehn & Strouhal - contained the chess column of the Hakoah. I searched a little bit, but without success. If someone else knows where to find it, I would very much appreciate a hint.
|Feb-24-14|| ||Karpova: From the interview by Paul Berend with Akiva Rubinstein in Budapest. Thanks to <thomastonk> for this great finding!|
Whenever Rubinstein comes to a larger city with jewish inhabitants, he can be sure about a jewish reporter asking for an interview. With his childlike clumsiness (<kindliche Unbeholfenheit>) he tries to ward it off. Finally, he asks for the questions to be posed as his nerves aren't sufficient for a long, contiguous lecture anymore. So Rubinstein recounts:
- His grandfather was a famous rabbi in Russian-Poland and was located near Warsaw.
- His father was a wood merchant who left 30,000$ and a huge hebrew and yiddish library. Both, the money and the library, were a great sensation back then in the Polish village. Nothing was left of either the money, nor the library and he didn't know his own father, who died shortly after his birth. Akiva was raised by his grandparents, as his mother remarried after having been a widow for a short time and moved to another city.
- Until he was 16 years of age, he studied the Talmud exclusively. At the age of 20, he became a professional chessplayer.
- When he was a little child, someone (he believes it was a relative) showed the game of chess to him and the same day, Akiva bought himself a chess book in Hebrew. In their town, they spoke Hebrew, Yiddish and Polish fluently. He was not "discovered" by someone, but became a "Master" by studying books and practice.
- The Talmud also covers the game of chess and Bretschneider even wrote a book <Schach im Talmud> ('Chess in the Talmud'), wherein he also cites other Hebrew and jewish sources. The 'Shulchan Aruch' also mentions chess, and allows chess play on Sabbath if the chess pieces are made of noble metals, gold or silver - Akiva believes that the 'Schulchan Aruch' wants to make clear that chess is a combination of extraordinary, higher ideas and notions (<Ideen und Einfällen>) and not a work in the usual sense, which is forbidden on Sabbath.
- Akiva leads a jewish, religious life together with his wife and his little son. They live in a suburb of Antwerp, Belgium, where also other jews live. But there are not many and most of them are sephardim, i. e. of Spanish descent/parentage (<Abkunft>). There is a small synagogue he also visits. Although the Belgian jews are self-confidently adhered to their religion, they are very enlightened/open-minded (it's <aufgeklärt> in German and while enlightened is the direct translation, the english expression has some connotations which are not quite fitting. So negative associations with the expression were probably not intended by Akiva). But the Rubinsteins live very withdrawn and have almost no contact to others (<[...], denn wir leben sehr zurückgezogen und verkehren fast mit niemand.>).
- Asked why there are relatively many jewish chessmasters, Akiva mentions fast grasping of a situation, fast decision making and a pronounced talent for combinations.
- There follows an interesting analysis that chess is the only pillar in his life. When he discovered chess, it aroused his interest and he knew he would be able to make a living of it. But he became in a way a slave of it, and as external circumstances drove him, he could never carry his life in his own hands. The game of chess ruined his nerves (<Das Schachspiel hat meine Nerven ganz zerrieben.>). He doesn't have the patience for longer books anymore, for example. The fulgurous zigzag, by all inner logic, rhapsodic and neurasthenic essence of chess made him become like that in life also. That's also shown by what he writes in chess literature - short analyses, small tracts. He describes how chess is his life as he doesn't have a project in life besides it. He only visited the cheder also, and no other school.
Source: 'Die Neue Welt', 1930.01.10, p. 10
|Feb-24-14|| ||Karpova: A very interesting interview indeed, but there are some inconsistencies and it can be misleading to believe that he describes every aspect of one issue, when he describes just one. |
The part about his father at least appears to be inconsistent. But this needn't be Akiva's fault, as he may have been told that during his childhood (perhaps to cheer him up, considering the circumstances of their living, and raise his self-confidence). His father was also rabbi, and where he came from, the jews lived in extreme poverty. The poverty was so great, that 10 of the 12 Rubinstein children (Akiva was the youngest) died of tuberculosis in childhood. Akiva never got to know his father, but he seems to have died shortly before Akiva's birth, not shortly afterwards. There are no direct traces left of the Rubinsteins in Stawiski (see Tomasz Lissowski in 'Karl' 03/2013, pp. 12-17 for an article on and fotos of Stawiski), but there may have been some in case his father had been that rich. But the extreme poverty is certainly not something you would boast about.
The latter part about chess being his pillar - I think that Rubinstein is pretty much referring to something like a profession, i. e. that he couldn't have changed his mode of living once he chose chess as his profession. His son Jonas recalls interests his father had apart from chess - Akiba Rubinstein - and then there was his family also. So it seems that he was exaggerating a bit to make the influence of chess on his life clear. But to me it seems to be more consistent to restrict it to a profession mostly (that's why he also mentions the Cheder as the only school he visited). For sure, it probably had a great influence of his private life also, and this influence may have grown the worse his condition got. This may have been the reason why he finally had to give up chess - to get away from it.
|Mar-02-14|| ||Karpova: Dr. Emanuel Lasker, Berlin, March 30, 1911:
<Rubinstein ist auf der Rückfahrt nach Warschau durch Berlin gekommen. Er blieb einige Tage und zeigte sich den Schachfreunden in einer Simultanvorstellung im Cafe Kerkau. Sein Aussehen ist blühend, als käme er, statt von einem anstrengenden Turniere, von einem Picknick. Er wurde freundlich begrüßt. Es ist schade darum, daß er sich in Warschau so fest niedergelassen hat. Für die Schachwelt wäre ein wanderlustiger Rubinstein von größerem Nutzen. So ist er ein seltener Gast.>
(Rubinstein came to Berlin during his travel back to Warsaw. He stayed for a few days and showed himself to the chess friends during a Simul in the Cafe Kerkau. His look is blooming as if he was not coming from a strenuous tournament, but a picnic. He was welcomed friendly. It is sad that he settled so firmly in Warsaw. For the chess world a more migrant Rubinstein would be of greater use. So he is a rare guest.)
Source: 'Pester Lloyd', 1911.04.02, page 8
|Mar-02-14|| ||Karpova: Dr. Emanuel Lasker, Berlin, August 31, 1911, on Karlsbad (1911) (on August 31st, round 8 had just been played):|
<Aber er ist einer von den sehr wenigen, die kein Glück brauchen.>
(But he [Rubinstein] is one of the very few who do not need luck.)
Source: 'Pester Lloyd', 1911.09.03, page 7
Lasker's point is that Rubinstein will become a threat to the tournament leaders, although after 8 rounds he had aleady suffered two losses.
|Mar-03-14|| ||Karpova: Dr. Emanuel Lasker, Berlin, February 22, 1912:
<Das Turnier zu San Sebastian wird, man kann es unbesorgt prophezeien, Rubinstein Triumph und Anerkennung bringen. Sein Stil hat das, was den Erfolg erzwingt. Perlenklar, aus einer Gedankenwelt stammend, die die Wahrheit um ihrer selbst willen erstrebt und verehrt, und voll urwüchsiger Kraft, weil er jedes gesteckte Ziel mit den geringsten Mitteln zu erreichen weiß, hat seine Spielkunst sich die Bewunderung der Kenner erobert. Die große Menge versteht ihn noch nicht. Bisher hat es ihm an Willen gefehlt, ihr sein Können zu beweisen. Nun sprechen manche Zeichen dafür, daß er den Willen zur Tat gefunden hat. San Sebastian wird aller Welt seine vollendete Meisterschaft offenbar machen.>
(The San Sebastian tournament will, one can prophesy it unconcerned, bring triumph and recognition to Rubinstein. His style has what is needed to enforce the success. Clear like a pearl, originating from an intellectual world which strives for and adores truth for its own sake, and full of lusty power, because he knows how to reach every set goal with the least means, his art of play has seized the admiration of the connoisseurs. The crowd doesn't understand him yet. So far, he lacked the will to demonstrate his capability to them. Now, some signes bespeak that he found the will to deed. San Sebastian will make his perfect mastery obvious to the whole world.)
Source: 'Pester Lloyd', 1912.02.25, page 11
|Mar-04-14|| ||Karpova: Dr. Emanuel Lasker, Göttingen, March 27, 1912:
<Rubinstein hat an mich von San Sebastian geschrieben. Er wünscht mit mir ein Match um die Weltmeisterschaft auszutragen. Für dieses Match würde, wie ich glaube, sich ein starkes Interesse zeigen, und auch ich würde gern mit einem solchen Meister spielen. Ich bin aber momentan noch gebunden, weil Capablanca sich noch nicht erklärt hat, ob er protestieren wird oder nicht. [...] Ich werde Capablanca bis zum 20. April Zeit lassen, den Protest einzureichen. Sollte er bis zu jenem Datum die Gelegenheit nicht benützt haben, werde ich diese Angelegenheit für erledigt erachten und dem Ersuchen von Rubinstein nähertreten.>
(Rubinstein wrote to me from San Sebastian. He wishes to play a match for the world championship against me. For this match, as I believe, strong interest would be shown, and I would also like to play against such a master. But I am currently still bound, as Capablanca didn't declare yet whether he will file a protest or not. [...] I will grant Capablanca time until April 20th to file the protest. If he won't have made use of the opportunity until then, I will consider this matter finished and approach the request of Rubinstein.)
Source: 'Pester Lloyd', 1912.03.31, page 10
|Mar-06-14|| ||Karpova: Dr. Emanuel Lasker, Berlin, June 13, 1912:
<Durch seinen überlegenen Sieg zu Pöstyen hat Rubinstein endlich den Platz eingenommen, der ihm gebührt. Er zählt jetzt zweifelsohne zu den wenigen, die Anspruch darauf erheben können, in die Reihe der großen historischen Schachpersönlichkeiten eingeordnet zu werden. Noch schlummern unberührte Kräfte in ihm. Die Schachwelt wird seiner ferneren Laufbahn mit Interesse folgen.>
(By his superior win at Pistyan, Rubinstein finally took the place that is due to him. Without a doubt, he now belongs to the few who can lay claim to be classified in the line of the great historical chess personalities. Still, untouched powers are slumbering within him. The chess world will follow his future career with interest.)
Source: 'Pester Lloyd', 1912.06.12, page 12
|Mar-06-14|| ||Karpova: Dr. Emanuel Lasker, Leipzig, June 27, 1912:
<Die Entwicklung von Rubinsteins Stil ist erstaunlich. Wenige auch der hervorragendsten Schachmeister haben den Einfluß des Erfolges ausgehalten, aber Rubinstein erringt Sieg auf Sieg und erklettert nichtsdestoweniger immer steilere Höhen der Kunst. Unabänderlich bewahrt er die Strenge gegen sich selbst. Nur ganz bescheidene Naturen vermögen kritisch gegen sich selbst zu bleiben, wenn ihrer Eitelkeit so viele Lockungen geboten werden.>
(The development of Rubinstein's style is stunning. Few even of the most outstanding chessmasters have stood the influence of success, but Rubinstein scores win on win, and nonetheless climbs up always steeper heights of the art. Unchangeably does he keep the strictness towards himself. Only very humble natures manage to stay critical towards themselves, if their vanity is exposed to so many enticements.)
Source: 'Pester Lloyd', 1912.07.07, page 8
|Mar-06-14|| ||Karpova: Information on the negotiations from Dr. Emanuel Lasker (Berlin, August 8, 1912):|
- On his travel to Vilnius, Rubinstein stayed for a few days at the Hiddensee to recover. He visited Dr. Lasker there and they talked about the world championship match conditions.
- They agreed on the main points and there was disagreement over one condition only.
- 8 games up, draws not counting
- If this goal wasn't reached after 30 games, the player with most points wins.
- The only exception is, if a contestant is only one point ahead, in this case, the match will proceed until another decisive game is played, but only for 4 games at maximum
- If the match is not yet decided after those 4 additional games, a difference of 1 point shall not decide the match (<Nach Erledigung dieser Anzahl von Partien solle eine Differenz von einem Point nicht entscheiden.>)
- 5 playing days per week
- 12 moves per hour
- Every day either 4 consecutive hours, or 2 sessions of 2.5 hours with a 2 hour break
- Disagreement about the playing time: Dr. Lasker suggests play between 1400 and 2200 (e. g. 1400 to 1800, or 1500 to 1730 and 1930 to 2200), but Rubinstein doesn't want to play in the evening, suggesting to start at 1100. Dr. Lasker cannot accept Rubinstein's proposal as he is not used to intellectual work in the morning and he believes that there would not be enough spectators.
Source: 'Pester Lloyd', 1912.08.11, p. 8
|Mar-07-14|| ||Karpova: Dr. Emanuel Lasker: <Rubinstein ist ein Leu.> (Rubinstein is a lion.)|
Source: 'Pester Lloyd', 1912.09.22, p. 8 (written by Lasker in Berlin, on September 19th)
For the context, see Vilnius All-Russian Masters (1912)
|Mar-07-14|| ||offramp: I think that the best chess book that has not yet been written is <The Collected Chess Journalism of Akiva Rubinstein>.|
Someone would have to translate it from the Yiddish.
|Mar-08-14|| ||Karpova: Dr. Emanuel Lasker reports (Berlin, November 7), that Rubinstein would participate in the New York-Havana tournament. Geza Maroczy also accepted the invitation (<Von Newyork kommt die Nachricht, daß Rubinstein an dem Turniere teilnehmen wird. Auch Maroczy hat zugesagt.>).|
Source: 'Pester Lloyd', 1912.11.10, p. 9
The tournament was never arranged. In the 'Pester Lloyd' of September 29, 1912 (p. 9), Dr. Lasker had voiced doubts that Rubinstein among others would participate (<Ich glaube, daß zumindesten Dr. Bernstein, ich selbst, Maroczy, Rubinstein, Dr. Tarrasch und Dr. Vidmar zweifelhaft sind.>, written in Berlin, on September 26).
|Mar-08-14|| ||Karpova: Dr. Emanuel Lasker, Berlin, November 14:
<Von Newyork kommt die erstaunliche Nachricht, daß das geplante Turnier, dessen Anfang so zuversichtlich auf den 30. November festgesetzt war, aufgehoben ist. Eine lakonische Depesche meldete das Faktum ohne Angabe von Gründen dem europäischen Vertreter des Komitees Herrn Hoffer, der es lakonisch weitergab. [...] Für die Schachmeister, die sich zum Turniere gerüstet haben, hat der plötzliche Umschwung eine sehr bedauerliche Konsequenz. Sie hatten für vier oder fünf Monate ihrer nächsten Zukunft alle Dispositionen getroffen, um sich auf den Kampf vorzubereiten und eine geraume Zeit auf Reisen in fernen Landen zu verbringen. Nun stehen sie ohne Engagements da. Ihr einziger Fehler ist gewesen, daß sie den Worten des Komitees geglaubt haben. Augenscheinlich hat dies die Verpflichtung, den empfindlichen Schaden, den es angerichtet hat, soweit dies überhaupt geschehen kann, wieder gutzumachen.>
(The astonishing news arrives from New York, that the planned tournament, scheduled so confidently for November 30th, is cancelled. A laconic telegram reported the fact without a mention of the reasons to the European representative of the committee, Mr. Hoffer, who relayed it laconically. [...] For the chessmasters who prepared for the tournament, the sudden turnaround has a very regretful consequence. They had met for four to five months of their next future all dispositions, to prepare for the competition and to spend a lot of time on travelling in far away countries. Now they are left without engagements. Their sole mistake was to believe the words of the committee. Obviously the committee now has the duty to atone for the damage it has caused, as far as that is possible at all.)
Source: 'Pester Lloyd', 1912.11.17, p. 12
Dr. Lasker raises an important point. It should be noted, that in Berlin, on October 3rd ('Pester Lloyd', 1912.10.06, p. 9) he had written <Aber an dessen Zustandekommen braucht man nicht zu zweifeln.> (But one need not doubt it taking place.) So while it was not yet clear, how it would exactly be, Dr. Lasker was also sure that it would take place.
Nothing is known about Rubinstein playing serious chess in 1913. There are probably several possible reasons for that: He had to recover from the many chess tournaments in 1912, he arranged the match against Dr. Lasker and probably prepared for it. But the influence of such a failed tournament can also have a great impact, as Dr. Lasker makes clear. They had planned to invest about 4 to 5 months into it - and now nothing was left.
Another important point not mentioned yet is, that this not only influenced the plans of the chessplayers, but also other chess tournament organizers. See for example my post Georg Rotlewi for a tournament that was postponed due to other tournaments taking place, and finally never arranged.
< Earlier Kibitzing · PAGE 47 OF 47 ·